Item description for Sweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa (A Concerned Partnership (1970-1994)) by Tor Sellström & Tor Sellströ m...
This book is the second in a two volume study on Sweden and the struggle for national liberation in Southern Africa. Largely drawing from hitherto restricted sources at official and NGO archives, the study focuses on Sweden's relations with MPLA of Angola, FRELIMO of Mozambique, SWAPO of Namibia, ZANU and ZAPU of Zimbabwe and ANC of South Africa. The first volume (Formation of a Popular Opinion (1950 - 1970)-- which appeared in 1999--- addressed the question why Sweden established close relations with nationalist movements that elsewhere in the West were shunned as 'Communist' or 'terrorist'. The second volume discusses how the Swedish political, diplomatic and material support to these movements was expressed during the period from 1970 to 1994, i.e. until the first democratic elections in South Africa and the end of the region's Thirty Years' War for majority rule. The scope and orientation of the official humanitarian assistance to the very liberation movements that eventually assumed state power in their respective Southern African countries are documented and analyzed. The book thus presents a unique and little known North-South relationship in the Cold War period.
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Studio: Nordic Africa Institute
Est. Packaging Dimensions: Length: 9.37" Width: 6.46" Height: 1.57" Weight: 3.88 lbs.
Publisher Nordic Africa Institute
ISBN 9171064486 ISBN13 9789171064486
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Olof Palme's Sweden, Sanctions and the Double-Bind of Diplomacy Aug 23, 2009
Review 2: bSweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa, by Tor Sellsröm
Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala, 2002 (3 Volumes).
In south Vietnam, the resistance movement the FNL had, in a surprising and daring Tet-Offensive (Spring Offensive), giving nourishment to the young student revolutionaries in Paris ('May '68), Berlin and elsewhere, with the occupying American armed forces answering with the carpet-bombing of Haiphong harbour and the capital Hanoi.
Loud and militant youth demonstrations against "American Imperialist aggression" reverberated in many capital cities world-wide, campuses were occupied. In Stockholm the Maoist-inspired "United FNL-Groups" demonstation later that winter had invited the North Vietnamese ambassador to Germany as a main speaker.
Without prior warning, the newly elected Social-Democratic Prime Minister made an surprise appearance and marched, almost arm-in-arm, with the North Vietnamese guest. The picture of the Olof Palme and the North Vietnamese embassador made front-page world-wide headlines. It was an audatious media coup. Sweden got much 'political capital' out of this.
What it also ment is that the hegemonic pro-American bloc in world politics was crumbling, and that the East European Stalinist one-party dictatorships were no longer "the only model of socialism", indeed Sweden projected itself as a model of a humanitarian "democratic socialism".
This small nation in the Northern periphery of Europe, had "broken ranks" with the collective conservative consensus of 'unconditional support' to the American cause. The right-wing hegemony was broken. Overnight, Olof Palme and thereby Sweden, were no longer the "New Totalitarians" as depicted in the Anglo-Saxon academic literature, a daunting "cradle to the grave", but ultimately boring, society with social security, national health insurance, pension schemes.
It was a Left-wing state to be copied, emulated and studied. Palme had put political Sweden on the map. How much of this was actually true and how much mythology was a moot point, as with the eugenics/race 'hygiene' experiments' of non-Caucasian groups, Lapps/ Saoumi, sterilization of gypsies and 'Others', and during the Holocaust, refusal to let jewish refugees to land and sending them to the Nazi genocidal concentration camps, there in the 1930s and flirtation with Aryan Fascism and the Strong State in the '30s.
Traditionally, Swedish "insularity" had been dictated by its politico-cultural traditions (it did not belong to NATO for instance) and during the start of the Cold War period in the early 1950s has vigorously persued a "principled neutarality" viz-a-ziz the then two "superpowers", the Soviet Union/East Europe/China/Cuba and the North/West.
With its relatively small population, in the 1060s then c. under 4 million, its vast natural resources and diversified industrial base and thriving export-orientated sector, it was also reknown as a corporate tripartite (labour, capital and the State) success story and welfarist society.
If one is to believe Tor Sellström, then Swedish 'humanitarian aid' to the Southern African Liberation Movements in the period since 1969, when the Swedish Parliament first endorced a policy of offical, direct support to the Liberation Movements, was in the same spirit. "No strings attached" humanitarian assistance to a "struggling humanity against White Supremacy, racism and colonialism".
But there was always a catch, a quid pro quo, which although not openly stated at first, was to become an underlying leitmotif as their involvement grew stronger, financially, diplomatically, and with a strong humanitarian or "the human rights' profile.
And this became a problem for the cool, level-headed Swedes: their multinationals and corporate backing sector was heavily involved in private sector investments and loans to apartheid Southb Africa, while the Foriegn Office, its Development arm, SIDA on the other hand was actively aiding "the terrorists" of the ANC, SWAPO, ZAPU and ZANU, MPLA and Frelimo with "humanitarian aid" in their Liberation Struggles.
It was a conundrum for them and reminded me always of the song by the poets of the popular group of the early 1970s, Blå Tåget (The Blue Train): "The State and Capital Hand in Hand, Give With The One Hand, And Take With The Other".
The South African ANC was first given offical support in 1973. The reasons for this are many but after that as close and incestuous relationship developed with material assistance rising in proportion to the "struggle against apartheid".
"This study is primarily addressed to the general reader interested in Swedish policies towards Southern Africa."
"(the) Pro-active, interventionist period bagan around 1970 with direct official assistance to the liberation movements and continued until independence and majority rule" (p.24, Vol. 1).
"Until the 1994 democratic elections in South Africa, a total of around 4 billion Swedish Kronor (SEK) - in current - 2002 - figures, was channelled by the Swedish government as official humanitarian assistance to the region. Of this amount, 1.7 billion - more than 40 per cent - was under bilateral agreements granted directly to ANC, FRELIMO, MPLA, SWAPO, ZANU and ZAPU. (p.34)
"Benevolent paternalism and humanitrian concern" (p. 25) - the study discusses aspects of the NLM's international support, "it may contribute to Southern African historiography by sheddingb light on the questions of liberation, diplomacy and external support."
"The main objectives are to document and analyse the involvement by the Swedish civil society and government from the modest beginnings in the 1950s until the ANC electorial victory in 1994" (p.22)
The American attutude to Southern Africa was outlined in the (secret) National Security Study Memorandum 39 ('NSSM 39') adopted in January 1970 by the terrible-twins of Nixon-Kissinger, which was later followed by the 'constructive engagement' policy under President Ronald Reagun in the 198s, whose stated objective was to increase 'communication' with the white regimes in order to convince them to alter their positions:
"The whites are here to stay and the only way that constructive change can come about is through them. There is no hope for the blacsk to gain the political rights they seek through violence, which will only lead them to chaos and increased opportunities for the Communists".
This was in direct opposition to the position taken by the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity and the World Council of Churches (which then had its headquarters in Finland).
On spies and infiltration of the NLM
The 'benevolent paternalism' of the Swedish authorities, as opposed to the 'civic organisations' and the problem of 'enemy infiltration' became especially accute with the Craig Williamson and IUEF affair.
IUEF was an international non-governmental organisation based in Geneva, Switzerland. Nevertheless, through its Director, Lars-Gunnar Eriksson, and the fact that SIDA was its largest donor, the association with Sweden was seen as particularly close. Apart from Norway - which in financial terms was a less important supporter - Sweden was in addition, the only country among IUEF's donors which maintained an official cooperation programme with the ANC.
The issue of IUEF and its activities in South Africa was regularly raised in discussions between the Swedish authorities and the liceration movement. In spite of IUEF's international status, some of the more salient aspects of what subsequently became known as the 'IUEF affair' should thus be addressed .... Here are some quotes:
"(Bertil) Wedin - once active in the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) ... Wedin (between 1963 and 1965) was a member of the Swedish UN contingent during the Congo conflict - was recruited in 1980 by the South African intelligence officer Craig Williamson, serving as a paid undercover agent for the apartheid regime in London at the beginning of the decade."
[sources: The story of Wedin was first published by the Swedish journalist Anders Hasselbohm in 1995 ('Svensken Som Spionerade för Sydafrika', in Vi magazine, No 11, 1995, pp. 5-11, also in Nos. 12 and 13, 1995), Leif Kasvi: 'Craig Williamson avslöjar sitt hemliga agentnät'; Lennart Håård: 'Svenske agenten berättar om mötena med Williamson' (Aftonbladet, 29 September 1996; Expressen, 2 October 1996; Mail & Guardian (Johannesburg), 4-10 October 1996; and Jacques Pauw: Into the Heart of Darkness: Confessions of Apartheid Assassins, Jonathan Ball Pub., Johannesburg, 1997, p.213-14
The Swede Lars-Gunnar Eriksson was nominal head - as Director - of the International University Exchange Fund (IUEF) based in Geneva, with BOSS- spy Williamson as his Deputy -
"The story of 'Operation Daisy' and its ramifications - notably the possiblility of a link to the assassination of Prime Minister Olof Palme in 1986 - is still to be written. Unfolding in a twilight zone between concealed multilateral assistance and covert South African intelligence, it calls for a serious, comprehensive study. [footnotes 2 and 3 discuss this at length, p. 556]
"... summary focuses on the roles played by Eriksson and his deputy Willliamson, their political agendas and the way in which different actors within both Sweden and the ANC related to IUEF during the crutial years of infiltration and mismanagement from around 1975 until Januar 1980." (p 557- 59)
The apartheid regimes spies and double-agents active in the TOP LEADERSHIP of the ANC also get a mention:
"... in April 1978 - the support to IUEF and the organisation's activities in South Africa were discussed at length during a meeting in Lusaka betweenSIDA, ANC President Tambo and Treasurer General Nkobi [who was a double-agent and apartheid spy!].
The fact that the Commander-in-Chief of MK Joe Modise, an ex-gangster for the Spoilers' in Joburg, and later the first black Minister of Defence in the first black government was a police spy and informer, who allegedly got a R10 million bride in the notorious Arms Deal gets no mention, nor the fact that Alfred Nzo, also a future top-ranking civil servant was also a double-agent gets NO MENTION!
Another "cover-up" operation by the Swede who will no doubt claim: "But we did not know that they were spies, liars and crooks!", although they had been warned on numerous occasions, and by quite reliable sources, that this was so ...
Swedish Direct Foriegn Investents in South Africa in the 1970s and the Swedish debate on Sanctions
By 1970 I was already enrolled at the University of Lund as an undergraduate, so when the first discussions on 'sanctions' and the role of Swedish foreign investments came in the early 1970s, I was well placed to follow the debate and its various nuances. I was also by then a trusted memeber of the Youth & Student's Section of the African National Congress Mission in Scandinvia, having participated in youth conferences in East Germany etc previously.
Also, I was soon doing research work into the role, extent and effects of DFI (direct foreign investments) in South Africa after a prolonged stay in London in 1974 - The important work by Ruth First, Guradian reporter Jonathan Steele and anti-apartheid personage Chrstabel Gurney, "The South African Connection: Western Investment in Apartheid", Penguin Books, 1972, and other pamphlets published by Duncan Innes and ......... and the Africa Centre, London had provided much statistical information as well as framework for analysis.
At a Y&S ANC meeting in Lund in c.1994 or early 1995, a decision was taken to publish a journal in Swedish n the aims of the ANC and of relations between Sweden and South Africa. The journal was to be called 'Phambili' (Forward) - I resolved to do a study of the trade and investment links between South Africa and Sweden.
I was aided by the fortuitous circumstance of there being published numerous studies on this subject at the time: the major liberal daily, Dagens Nyheter's economics commentator Sven-Åke Sundgren had published: Sydafrikas Guldålder [South Africa Golden Years] (Askild & Karnekull, 1974; Åke Magnusson's "Sverige - Sydafrika: En studie av en Ekonomisk Relation", The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, 1974; LO-TCO's "South Africa: Black Labour and Swedish Capital, A Report by the LO/TCO Study Delegation to South Africa 1975, LO-TCO, Uppsala and studies by Kenneth Hermele et al on Swedish firms activities in the Third World, Liber Förlag, Stockholm etc
The found Sundgren's work the most comprehensive onthe listings of major Swedish multinations/transnationals and of their 'daughter companies' listing on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. But when I synthesised the material and broufgt it together, I found that both the VOLUME and BREDTH of trade and investments had increased AFTER there was a so-called 'moratorium' on such activity was imposed by the Swedish State, i.e. after mandatory sanctions were "supposed to be" imposed!
In reality: there was a trade surplus between Sweden and South Africa: in 1960 it stood at 92 million Swedish Kronor (SEK), in 1970 at 242 million SEK and in 1973 at 200 m. SEK.
In a table on p 782 (Vol. 2) on "increrased commodity exchange" or "bilateral trade relations". Sellström gives some statistics here: "While to total value of Swedish exports to South Africa in 1978 amounted to 411 million SEK, from 1979 - when the investment ban was declared - it would in current figures (i.e. 2002) - register a spectacular growth reaching 1,017 MSEK in 1981 and no less than 1, 575 MSEK in 1984, an increase of almost 300 per cent. Although less pronounced, imports from the apartheid republic showed a similar trend, increasing from 177 MSEK in 1978 to 388 MSEK in 1984, or by 100 per cent."
Interestingly enough, the Swedish-South African trade nexus was a typical imperialist State to underdeveloped State one: Swedish exports were of timber products, paper-mass products, chemical products, motor vehicles (SAAB and Volvo trucks and vehicle bodies), agricultural machinery and scientific instruments, shipping of cargo etc, while the Swedes imported food, drinks, fruits, skins, unprocessed raw materials, tobacco, electrical and transport machinery.
A First World Economy's economic relations with a developing/underdeveloped nation in fact!
But it was on the direct investments side that there was the greatest increase: the Swedish ball-bearing monopist giant Svenska Kullagerfabriken, SKF, had two large factories in South Africa, at Johannesburg and Uitenhage with total of 800 employees. SKF supplied ball-bearings directly to the South African war machine: the tanks, Buffels and Casspirs used to invade Namibia and Angola, used to kwell the "disturbances" in the townships, ran on Swedish ball-bearings!
Also, ASEA had two large works in South Africa, a cable factory north of Pretoria and a large factory producing "transformers" in Pretoria - both these latter firms belonged to the larger Wallenberg Imperium, owner of banks and insurance companies.
I coulod observe at least 18-20 well-known Swedish companies operating in South Africa: Electrolux (fridges, vacuum cleaners sold through the Fuchs agency), AGA (gass products), Alfa Laval (paper products), Atlas Copco, Avesta, Boliden, Esab, Fagersta, SAS (air transport), Säfveån, Trera-Pak, Volvo et etc [more details in Magnusson etc]
I entitled the article: "The Imperialist Conspiracy in South Africa", pointing out that Swedish firms participate in the formation of the average rate of profit, but monopolist firms reap a 'monopolist profit' (Mandel et al), that 'finance capital' has 'surplus capital' to invest at the highest rate of profit and that 'market share' and 'surplus extraction/dividends' to shareholders was of vital importance here: the South African State kept wage-rates low through pass laws and the banning of collective bargaining etc. Swedish firms participated in the Unequal Exchange and the exploitation of Low-Wage black workers, the 'corporate- nature of the State and Capital relationship, made the unions mute their criticism ....
1973 and the Formation of an Independent Trade-Union Left in South Africa
During the course of the struggle in South Africa, several trade-union currents emerged and progressively developed their own identities in the context of renewed social conflicts. Three different trade-uion projects emerged on the basis of distinct political and idelogical considerations.
The first of the three was established (or re-established) around the trade-union tradion of the ANC/SACTU/SACP, with links to the external NLM; the second was based on the Black Consciousness Movement, which set up the Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA); and the third appared without any apparent link to a known political current.
In 1979, it established the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU). In 1985, this current provided a substastial segment of the forces for the new unitary federation, the ANC/SACP-dominated Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).
Swedish trade-union bureaucrats and their political representatives in the Social-Democratic Party and in the Socialist International (SI) were keen to get their fingers into this pie also.
The LO-TCO Delegation to South Africa had produced a report of their 'findings' in 1975. It was, like the work of Åke Magnusson, who was present and most proberbly wrote the report, another "White Wash" from the corportate establishment to justify their engagement and continued investmenst in South Africa. There was no hint of any 'oppositional voices'.
[for more infomation on the Black unions, see: Claude Jacquin: 'The Trade-Union Left and the Birth of a New South Africa', Notebooks for Study and Research, nr 26, IRRE, Amsterdam, 92 pp, date 1991; Steven Friedman: 'Building Tomorrow Today - African Workers in Trade Unions, 1970 - 1984, Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1987; Martin J. Murray: South Africa: Time of Agony, Time of Destiny - The Upsurge of Popular Protest, Verso/NLB, 1987, Chap. 3 "The Independent Black Trade-Union Movement"]
On Helen Suzman and the Sanctions Debate
The was another side to Helen that is less well-known, that as academic and researcher. In 1945 Helen Suzman was appointed tutor, then lecturer in Economic History at the University of the Witwatersrand, a post she held till 1953 when she become a Member of Parliament. She helped prepare materials for a conference on human rights on behalf of the Institute of Race Relations (IRR) and travelled to London in June 1947.
Also she prepared evidence for the IRR for the Fagan Commission, on laws applying to Africans in the urban areas in 1948.
The election of Malan's ultra-nationalists in 1948 meant that the Fagan Commissions' recommendations were shelved (till the mid-1990) and Grand Apartheid ruled supreme under Verwoerd and his successors.
But later when Helen Suzman almost single-mindedly opposed the implementation of sanctions [called for internationally by the ANC, or the SACP -their ideological Masters] and the Mandarins of the Anti-Apartheid Movement] on the following grounds: these acts would not lead to the instantaneous capitulation of the South African Nationalist (Boer) government, but would lead to the development of a siege mentality and black unemployment, falling real wages and living standards.
For this, she was vilified by many opponents of apartheid in exile as a 'sell-out'. The external National Liberation Movement [LNM; AAM; ANC etc] certainly did not appreciate her stand on sanctions then! She did, however, argued forcefully in my opinion, that black trade union action and black consumer boycotts would be more effective, especially in an expanding economy (absorbing more black workers) - not in a shrinking market in an autarkic, isolated market for black manpower, induced by sanctions or dis-investment.
Maybe she was correct, in hindsight!
Then, the Soweto Uprising in 1976 erupted and increased international pressure to utilize the boycott and sanctions TACTIC or to put put diplomatic pressure on the South African government. It was found that it was easier to break sporting, cultural and diplomatic links than specifically `economic' ones - hence the interventions of Lipton, Legassick/ Hemson, Suzman (see below), Tutu et alia.
I was a student, later researcher in Sweden at the time, but also active in the Anti-Apartheid solidarity movements and a member of the ANC Youth & Students.
The dilemma was that even the Swedish government gave a specific dispensation to its firms that operated in S.A. (under the Social-Democratic government of Olof Palme) - SKF (global ball-bearings monopoly) serviced the SADF for instance, as ASEA provided the pipelines and machinery for the huge Caboha Bassa Dam project in northern Mozambique!
And so the debate was not one of an academic nature only but had consequences that were analysed thoroughly - a veritable intellectual cottage-industry arose in fact!
There `for' and `against' positions delineated, but the bottom line was economic profit-making ("rates of profit") versus job and income creation in the new industries created by DFI.
I had to politically support the `Sanctions Campaign' as part of the AAM's international pressure BUT also saw that it was the black workers' struggle in independent unions that would raise the living standards and make them `class conscious' of their role in the broader anti-apartheid struggle. But after the township uprising of 1984-86, the internal struggle was 'exhausted' and the black townships occupied by white soldiers.
In the end it was the 'Battle of Cuito Cuanavale' in southern Angola and the combined forces of Cuban internationalists, Angolans and Namibians in Swapo/Plan that forced a military defeat of the apartheid armies in 1988/9, the Chester Crocker initiative in Namibia and the final nail in the coffin of apartheid in 2001 when the political prisoners were set free and the exiles could came 'home'-[see disc. in politicsweb.co.za]
Hence my support initially for the `economic rationale' in the Suzman argument against the `Mandarins' of the AAM/ANC - many of whom are in government now and overseeing the FALL in the living standards and real wages of many black workers under the, since 1996, neoliberalist GEAR economic course! This means an'overdubbing' of class on race issues.
There is a fall/drop in standards of living for broad categories of peoples in South Africa [see my other reveiews of R.W. Johnston and Alec Russell], staggering unemployment and underemployment of almost half the 'economically active populaion' (most 'race groups' included here), violent horrific crime rates in almost all urban areas and squatter camps, a pandemic of hard-drug taking among the youth (meth-crystals, crack, heroin), staggering corruption etc etc ..... and continued Aids/Hiv tragedies.
In most cases, the victims are the working and middle strata of society.
A Scandinavian White Wash - White Guilt and the Construction of a Black Capitalist State in South Africa Jul 20, 2009
This expensive book is not worth the paper it is printed on! It is in fact a 'whitewash' of the ruling ANC by a Swedish bureaucrat who provides "selected information" for the reader, whom he assumes to be a totally ignorant! I lived in Sweden during 1969 and 1983, was active in the Youth and Student's Section of the African National Congress (ANC) during most of this time, held an 'executive' position as Organising Secretary in Lund and was a 'footsoldier' and not a member of the 'ANC-bureaucracy', the central focus of this insipid study. Later I lived in Uppsala, from 1977 to 1983 and got to know the milieu/environment in which Nordic / Scandinavian "researchers" operated in, so I am quite well know there - I eventully completed my PhD in Economic History at Lunds University. "Truth" is hence 'seclective', as is "The Struggle for Democracy in South Africa". Selstrøm has done the reading public a dis-service, as anyone believing his fantasy tales should look at developemts in South Africa in the past 20 years, especially under ex-President Thabo Mbeki, a special favourite for western journalists and "researchers".
Now, the preceeding 20 years inside South Africa (1970-90), and especially during the United Democratic Front period from the early 1980s, democracy was a process of constant practise and renewal, of recall and election, of negotiation between the leaders and the led, of constant checks and balances. This led to a culture of endless consultation and a living memory of 'grass-roots democracy', 'inclusivity' and above all, non-racialism. The ANC had been constructed on the premise and assumption of non-racialism and this was obviously inconsistent with racial favouritism. Under apartheid, Africans had longed for merit, not race, to count, this being their definition of fainess and a just, democratic society. The 'exiled' ANC was a totally different animal. The ANC-in-exile was above all keen to maintain "monolithic unity". This included a mix of East European Leninist-Party undemocratic Bureaucratic Centralism (bequethed to them by their political mentors in the NKVD/GPU/KGB and Stasi), coupled with liberal 'charm-offensives' adapted for their North European social-democratic and liberal middle-class supporters, through blandishments and exhortations, selfless idealism and self-sacrifice from (expendable) footsoldiers, who worked unceasingly but with a blinkered focus. Tor Sellstrøm has chosen to "represent" the views and ideas of the ANC bureaucrats. Few critical questions were ever raised about the conditions in the ANC/MK camps and "re-education" centres in Angola and Tanzania in the 1980s.
But when the 'exiles' returned, and especially in the Mbeki presidency from 2000-2008, this 'reflex Leninism' and its version of "Party-substitutionism", and its undemocratic closed and secrect world, and the ANCs "cadre deployment" policy became the hallmark of the Mbeki-era's presidential style. Mbeki's later quite open paranoia and vindictive skull-duggery against opponents, primarily Jacob Juma, came out into the open in his second term when he used the National Prosecuting Authority and various "spook" units of the National Intelligence Agency under his control. The ANC contained many things: principled heroism, idealistic pawns and Stalinist appartchicks, political opportunists and plain thuggery. The poisoning of popular MK commander Thami Zulu [real name Muziwakhe Ngwenya, known as "TZ"] was not an isolated incident. With many competing ideological influences, political and social forces to balance and appease, it will be a stormy and petulant period in South African politics we will now witness. The centralization of power under the President's office was well under way under Mbeki and now the Big Man has asssumed power, can we now expect a corresponding development of "African Despotism" as the ANC struggles to maintain political hegemony in a disintegrating social environment, through thuggery, authoritarianism and a semi-militarist dictatorship? This aspect of ANC "policy" in exile finds no trace in the book being reviewed! It is a total "whitewash"! The compiler is not conerned with "a truthful exposition", as much of his interviews (oral history at its worst) and his archieval material is stale, selective and quite irrelvant. Not even a good "hack-job" then.
As bemused and bewilded Tata Nelson Mandela celebrated his 91st birthday recently - he might have been thinking: "Now where is South Africa heading under this new ANC-Zuma team?". Many of us share this sentiment.